The Breast Tax: Taxation, Social Control, and Lower-Caste Resistance in Colonial Kerala
Hello and welcome! Today, we are going to explore a story that sits at the complex intersection of history, oppression, gender, and deep political memory in South India.
I’m talking about Travancore—a kingdom in present-day Kerala that, just
two centuries ago, was one of the hierarchical caste societies in South Asia.
But we are not here to talk about just any tax, administrative record,
or royal decree. We are here to talk about something popularly and chillingly
known as the Mulakkaram.
In the Malayalam language, mulakkaram translates literally as the
"breast tax".
Just let that name sink in for a moment. A tax on a part of the human
body, specifically the female body, was used to enforce caste distinctions.
It sounds like a terrible, almost unbelievable myth, but it's a profound
narrative that has shaped collective memory and resistance. Tonight, we will
dive into the debate: What was the mulakkaram? Was it a fiscal policy, a
symbol of oppression, or both?
The Kingdom of 100+ Taxes
First, let's set the stage. Why did Travancore need this tax in the
first place?
Under the expansionist policies of Maharaja Marthanda Varma in the
mid-eighteenth century, the state needed massive revenue to support its
military, administration, and royal networks. Since land taxation was
relatively low, the kingdom compensated by levying capitation taxes, or head
taxes, on specific populations.
And who bore the brunt of this extraction?
The lower-caste communities—primarily the Ezhavas, Nadars, Pulayas, and
other avarna groups. Historical records show that by the mid-nineteenth
century, over 100 different types of taxes were imposed on these communities.
These weren't just general taxes; they were incredibly specific, including
levies on fishing nets (valakkaram), ornaments (meniponnu), and
even facial hair (meeshakkaram).
The taxation system enforced this distinction using highly gendered
language. Men paid the talakkaram (head tax) or meeshakkaram
(moustache tax), while women paid the mulakkaram (breast tax). These
levies were collected upon individuals reaching working age, typically around
fourteen years, and continued throughout their productive lives.
The Core Controversy: Poll Tax or Bodily Control?
Now, let's get to the heart of the historiographical dispute.
Here is our first major question for the day: Did the government of
Travancore really send officials to measure women's breasts and charge them if
they wore a blouse?
This is where historical documentation clashes with powerful oral
tradition.
Argument A: The Subaltern Memory (The Orthodox Interpretation)
Popular narratives and subaltern beliefs, preserved through oral
traditions, suggest that the mulakkaram was specifically a tax levied on
lower-caste women who wished to cover their breasts. This narrative gained
traction, especially after 2016 when artist Murali T's paintings depicting the
Nangeli story received coverage, leading to accounts that claimed tax amounts
were calculated based on breast size, adding a layer of objectification to the
economic extraction. This interpretation views the tax as directly commodifying
the right to bodily dignity.
Argument B: The Revisionist Argument (The Poll Tax Theory)
However, some historians argue that the mulakkaram "had
nothing to do with breasts other than the tenuous connection of
nomenclature". According to this view, the tax was simply a standard poll
tax on lower-caste women, running parallel to the talakkaram for men.
The gendered terminology, they argue, was merely a linguistic marker to
differentiate male and female taxpayers within households.
Why do they say this? Primary administrative documents from the
nineteenth century—revenue manuals—confirm mulakkaram as a standard poll
tax on lower-caste adult women, collected alongside the men's talakkaram,
but they make no reference to it being conditioned on breast covering.
Furthermore, a Travancore historian, Malayinkeezhu Gopalakrishnan, reports
finding no mention of mulakkaram specifically as a breast tax in the key
administrative records kept in the Sri Padmanabhaswamy Temple, known as the
Mathilakam Records.
The Analytical Synthesis: A False Dichotomy
So, who is right? The records or the memory?
The most insightful conclusion is that this is a false dichotomy. The
tax functioned administratively as a capitation levy (poll tax), but it existed
within a complex social system that comprehensively regulated lower-caste
bodies through multiple mechanisms: spatial exclusion, sartorial restriction,
and economic extraction.
Its nominal connection to breasts, whether intentional or merely
linguistic, operated within a social order that denied bodily autonomy to
lower-caste women. The fiscal system and the caste system were not separate;
they were deeply intertwined.
The Politics of Clothing: Why Couldn't They Cover Up?
To truly understand the mulakkaram controversy, we must
understand the sartorial politics of Travancore.
Let me ask you this: Was going topless considered shameful in
pre-Victorian Kerala?
Surprisingly, no, not originally. Due to the hot, humid climate, going
topless was common for women in 18th-century Kerala, including queens and
princesses, and it wasn't seen as shameful. Kerala’s matrilineal social
formations meant that patriarchal ideas of virtue related to body covering were
not prevalent.
However, this climate-adapted practice was weaponized into a profound
caste marker.
In nineteenth-century Travancore, baring one's chest was a mandated
gesture of deference from lower castes toward upper castes, deeply embedded in
Brahmanical hierarchy.
This was a cascading hierarchy of uncovering:
- Even
dominant-caste Nair women had to bare their upper bodies before Nambudiri
Brahmins.
- Nambudiri
Brahmins only uncovered themselves before deities.
- Upper-caste
women generally had the privilege of covering their breasts and shoulders
unless they were in the presence of someone from an even higher-ranked
community.
- But for
lower-caste women, like the Nadars, they were prohibited from covering at
all as a marker of their low status.
The oppression was not forced nudity per se; it was the denial of choice
that upper-caste women already possessed.
The Historical Certainty: The Channar Revolt (1813–1859)
If the history of mulakkaram is ambiguous, the history of the Channar
Revolt (or the Maru Marakkal Samaram, the upper cloth struggle) is
well-documented and historically certain.
What sparked this massive social movement that lasted nearly fifty
years?
The revolt began when many Nadars converted to Christianity and,
following the example of Syrian Christian communities, adopted the practice of
wearing long cloths covering their upper bodies. This sartorial choice directly
violated the established caste regulations.
Why did this simple act of putting on a cloth lead to violence?
The caste elite viewed this act as an attempt to "obliterate caste
distinctions" and feared it would lead to widespread
"pollution". The struggle became violent:
- In 1813, an
order permitting Christian Nadar women to wear upper cloth was withdrawn
after objections from the Raja’s council.
- Throughout the
1820s and 1850s, women wearing the upper cloth were subjected to
harassment, physical assault, and their homes, schools, and churches were
burned in retaliatory attacks.
This struggle was heavily influenced by the Colonial Encounter.
Christian missionaries and British colonial administrators introduced Victorian
discourses of modesty, transforming breast covering from a mere caste marker
into a symbol of respectability and "civilization". The lower-caste
women, seeking dignity, were fighting for the right to adopt this new
respectability.
Crucially, the Channar Revolt was significant because it was lower-caste
women setting the pace of struggle, distinguishing it from many other
nineteenth-century reform movements where elite men claimed to reform
lower-caste groups.
The revolt finally resulted in a proclamation on July 26, 1859, under
pressure from the Madras Governor. The King of Travancore granted Nadar women
the right to cover their breasts, but with a critical caveat: they were prohibited
from covering themselves in the style of higher-class Nair women, maintaining
vestiges of the sartorial hierarchy. Full emancipation from these
discriminatory dress codes didn't arrive until 1915–1916.
Nangeli: The Power of Memory and Radical Defiance
While the Channar Revolt has extensive documentation, the story of
Nangeli lives primarily in the realm of powerful subaltern memory.
Who was Nangeli, and why does her story persist so fiercely?
According to legend, Nangeli was an Ezhava woman living in Cherthala in
the early nineteenth century. When the village officer came to collect the
breast tax, she performed an act of radical defiance: she cut off her breasts
and presented them on a plantain leaf before dying from blood loss. Her
husband, Chirukandan, reportedly jumped into her funeral pyre, and the site of
her home became known as Mulachiparambu (land of the breasted woman).
This story is not found in historical records, leading some scholars to
question if she was a historical individual or a composite figure embodying
collective resistance.
What truth does Nangeli’s legend articulate, even if the archives are
silent?
Historians argue that her story, whether factual in detail or not,
authentically represents the lower-caste experience of oppression and the
possibility of radical resistance. When Nangeli offered her breasts to the
Raja's men, she was making a profound statement of anguish about the injustice
of the entire social order, resisting caste-based taxation and feudal
oppression.
Her story serves multiple functions: it articulates community identity,
encodes moral lessons, and preserves a counter-narrative to histories written
by elite groups. Nangeli's site (Mulachiparambu) functions as a memorial
landscape, embedding this history in physical space.
Conclusion: The Legacy of Mulakkaram
What have we learned from this journey through taxation, rebellion, and
memory?
Firstly, the mulakkaram story shows us that taxation in
pre-colonial and colonial South Asia was much more than economic extraction.
Fiscal systems encoded, enforced, and materialized abstract notions of purity
and pollution into everyday administrative practice.
Secondly, the methodological tensions in this history are crucial. The
archives, written by upper-caste literate elites, systematically excluded the
voices of lower-caste women. We must, therefore, develop frameworks for respectfully
engaging subaltern memory while maintaining critical analytical rigour. To
dismiss oral traditions risks perpetuating the very exclusions that made
alternative historical transmission necessary.
Finally, the legacies of Nangeli and the Channar Revolt are not confined
to the past; they are continually reinterpreted for present political projects.
Contemporary feminist and anti-caste movements invoke these narratives to
provide historical legitimacy for ongoing struggles against discrimination and
gender-based violence.
The story ultimately reveals the profound ways that caste hierarchy
penetrated every dimension of social existence—economic, spatial, bodily, and
symbolic—and the extraordinary courage required to challenge such comprehensive
systems of domination.
Thank you.
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